Politically Fascist and/or Nazi

Clerical Fascists core values
Clerical fascism (also clero-fascism or clerico-fascism) is an ideology that combines the political and economic doctrines of fascism with clericalism, i.e. a specific religious tradition. The term has been used to describe organizations and movements that combine religious elements with fascism, support by religious organizations for fascism, or fascist regimes in which clergy play a leading role.

Slovak Republic (1939–1945)
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Overview
The Arrow Cross Party (Hungarian: Nyilaskeresztes Párt – Hungarista Mozgalom, literally "Arrow Cross Party-Hungarist Movement") was a national socialist party led by Ferenc Szálasi, which led a government in Hungary known as the Government of National Unity from 15 October 1944 to 28 March 1945. During its short rule, ten to fifteen thousand civilians (many of whom were Jews, or Romani) were murdered outright, and 80,000 people were deported from Hungary to various camps in Austria. After the war, Szálasi and other Arrow Cross leaders were tried as war criminals by Hungarian courts.

The party was founded by Ferenc Szálasi in 1935 as the Party of National Will. It had its origins in the political philosophy of pro-German extremists such as Gyula Gömbös, who famously coined the term "national socialism" in the 1920s. The party was outlawed in 1937 but was reconstituted in 1939 as the Arrow Cross Party, and was said to be modeled fairly explicitly on the Nazi Party of Germany, although Szálasi often and harshly criticized the Nazi regime of Germany. The iconography of the party was clearly inspired by that of the Nazis; the Arrow Cross emblem was an ancient symbol of the Magyar tribes who settled Hungary, thereby suggesting the racial purity of the Hungarians in much the same way that the Nazi swastika was intended to allude to the racial purity of the Aryans. The Arrow Cross symbol also referred to the desire to nullify the Treaty of Trianon, and expand the Hungarian state in all cardinal directions towards the former borders of the Kingdom of Hungary.

Ideology
The party's ideology was similar to that of German National Socialism, although a more accurate comparison might be drawn between Austrofascism and Hungarian turanist fascism which was called Hungarism by Ferenc Szálasi – extreme nationalism, the promotion of agriculture, anti-capitalism, anticommunism and militant anti-Semitism. The party and its leader were originally anti-German, so it was a long and very difficult process for Hitler to compromise with Szálasi and his party. The Arrow Cross Party conceived Jews in racial as well as religious terms. Thus, although the Arrow Cross Party was certainly far more racist than the Horthy regime, it was still very different from the German Nazi Party. The Arrow Cross Party was pro-Catholic and its antisemitism had its origins in the traditional anti-Semitism of the Catholic church. It was also more economically radical than other fascist movements, advocating worker rights and land reforms.

Overview
Jobbik, the Movement for a Better Hungary (Hungarian: Jobbik Magyarországért Mozgalom), commonly known as Jobbik (pronounced [ˈjobːik]), is a Hungarian radical nationalist political party. The party describes itself as "a principled, conservative and radically patriotic Christian party", whose "fundamental purpose" is the protection of "Hungarian values and interests." After the Hungarian parliamentary elections on 6 April 2014, the party polled 1,020,476 votes, securing 20.54% of the total, making them Hungary's third largest party in the National Assembly.

Party name
The Movement for a Better Hungary more commonly goes under its abbreviated name Jobbik (pronounced [ˈjobːik]), which is in fact a play on words. The word jobb in Hungarian has two meanings, the adjective for "better" and the direction "right"; the comparative Jobbik therefore means both "the more preferable choice" and "more to the right". This is similar to the English phrase "right choice", which could mean both "a choice on the right side of the political spectrum" and "a correct choice".

Platform and ideology
The party describes itself as "a principled, conservative and radically patriotic Christian party", whose "fundamental purpose" is the protection of "Hungarian values and interests". Jobbik's ideology has been described by political scholars as right-wing populist, whose strategy "relies on a combination of ethno-nationalism with anti-elitist populist rhetoric and a radical critique of existing political institutions".

For its part, Jobbik rejects the common classification of the political spectrum in left and right. It prefers a distinction of political parties based on their stance towards globalisation. On this scheme, the party sees itself as patriotic. The party also rejects the term 'far-right', and instead labels itself as 'radical right-wing'. It has also criticised media companies for labelling them as 'far-right' and has threatened to take action towards those who do. In 2014, the Supreme Court of Hungary ruled that Jobbik cannot be labeled "far-right" in any domestic radio or television transmissions, as this would constitute an opinion because Jobbik has refuted the 'far-right' label.

Jobbik describes itself as rejecting "global capitalism", European integration and Zionism. Instead it adheres to Pan-Turanism, an ideology that asserts that Hungarians originate from the Ural–Altaic race. The movement is described by some scholars and media outlets as "fascist", "neo-fascist", "Neo-Nazi", extremist, racist, antisemitic, antiziganist, and homophobic, although the party rejects these claims.

Millennial Euro-fascism


Euroscepticism is a counter-internationalist, pan-European political ideal born from, economic selfishness, nationalist sentiments, the  fear of immigrants (if not all non-Whites in general), dislike of international co-operation, ignorance, intolerance and post 2008 economic decline related conspiracy theories. It is different to traditional fascists and Nazis since it is driven only by selfishness and instinctively driven hatred, not a genuine belief of racial and\or cultural superiority of a supposed master-race.

UKIP and the AfD were at first classified as a populist and pro-democracy conservative movement, but the recent swing to the right by UKIP had lead to there reclassification as far-right poularists as of about 2013-2014. The AfD faced a similar reclassification a year later.

There are no official labels, core beliefs or official Euroscepticism manifesto, central organization, no major pan-factional leaders and no official ideology, just hatred of the EU and Europeans in general.

Some parties like UKIP and the AfD are also virulently xenophobic to all races, creeds and nationalities; with the USA being the highest of their enemies out side the EU nations. They also have a total inability to take ideologically opposing beliefs, regardless of it's factual validity or not.

UKIP
The British Conservative Party want the EU return to a simple trade community similar to the old European Economic Community (EEC). The UK Independence Party (UKIP) and the British National Party (BNP) support total withdrawal from the EU and in the case of the prior complete closure of trading and diplomatic ties with it's member sates as well; while the latter would have either an political alliance, trade block or lose confederacy of white neo-fascist states.

The UK Independence Party is a Eurosceptic and right-wing populist political party in the United Kingdom. Headquartered in Newton Abbot, Devon, its leader is Nigel Farage. UKIP has one Member of Parliament in the House of Commons, three representatives in the House of Lords, and twenty-two Members of the European Parliament, making it the largest UK party in the European Parliament. It has 497 councillors in UK local government and one member of the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Although describing itself as a libertarian party, academic political scientists have instead characterised UKIP's ideological approach as being that of right-wing populism, also identifying it as part of the broader European radical right. Historically UKIP's primary emphasis was on hard Euroscepticism, calling for the UK's exit from the European Union, although it now couples this with nationalist and economically liberal policies. Governed by its leader and National Executive Committee (NEC), UKIP is divided into twelve regional groups, with an additional one representing Gibraltar. UKIP is founder member of the Alliance for Direct Democracy in Europe (ADDE) European political party, and the party's MEPs sit with the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) group in the European Parliament. Its support base is primarily older, white, male voters with less formal education.

UKIP was founded in 1991 by the historian Alan Sked as the Anti-Federalist League, a single-issue Eurosceptic party. Renamed UKIP in 1993, the party adopted a wider right-wing platform and gradually increased its support. Under Farage's leadership, from 2009 the party tailored its policies towards the white working-class, before making significant breakthroughs in the 2013 local elections and the 2014 European elections, where UKIP received the most votes. At the 2015 general election, the party gained the third largest vote share and one seat in the House of Commons.

UKIP and the AfD were at first classified as a populist and pro-democracy conservative movement, but the recent swing to the right by UKIP had lead to there reclassification as far-right poularists as of about 2013-2014. The AfD faced a similar reclasification a year later.

Whilst most British were naturally and historically afraid of beurocats, the Metric System, subsidising poor nations and fear of overwhelming migration, UKIP had made the debate swing far to the ultra-right. UKIP had managed, with the help of parts of the UK media, to degenerated it in to a anti-immigration, isolationist and euro-phobic hate-frenzy. Where ever they went in person or got on a TV debate, people became convinced the nation was flooded by immigrates that caused all the UK's woes and deserved to be expelled and\or murdered on the spot.

Cambridgeshire and Lincolnshire are now getting a reputation for both being overwhelmingly pro-UKIP, racist, isolationist from the rest of the UK and persistent in beating up Eastern Europeans.

Overview
The Swiss People's Party (German: Schweizerische Volkspartei, SVP; Romansh: Partida populara Svizra, PPS), also known as the Democratic Union of the Centre (French: Union démocratique du centre, UDC; Italian: Unione Democratica di Centro, UDC), is a national-conservative and right-wing populist political party in Switzerland. Chaired by Albert Rösti, the party is the largest party in the Federal Assembly, with 65 members of the National Council and 5 of the Council of States.

The SVP originated in 1971 as a merger of the Party of Farmers, Traders and Independents (BGB) and the Democratic Party, while the BGB in turn had been founded in the context of the emerging local farmers' parties in the late 1910s. The SVP initially didn't witness any increased support beyond that of the BGB, retaining around 11% of the vote through the 1970s and 1980s. This changed however during the 1990s, when the party underwent deep structural and ideological changes under the influence of Christoph Blocher; the SVP then became the strongest party in Switzerland by the 2000s.

In line with the changes fostered by Blocher, the party started to focus increasingly on issues such as euroscepticism and opposition to mass immigration. As of 2015 the SVP has 54 seats in the Federal Assembly, and its vote share of 29% in the 2007 Federal Council election was the highest vote ever recorded for a single party in Switzerland. When Blocher failed to win re-election as a Federal Councillor in 2007, moderates within the party split off, forming the Conservative Democratic Party (BDP).

History
The early origins of the SVP go back to the late 1910s, when numerous cantonal farmers' parties where founded in agrarian, Protestant, German-speaking parts of Switzerland. While the Free Democratic Party had earlier been a popular party for farmers, this changed during World War I when the party had mainly defended the interests of industrialists and consumer circles. When proportional representation was introduced in 1919, the new farmers' parties won significant electoral support, especially in Zürich and Bern, and eventually also gained representation in parliament and government. By 1929, the coalition of farmers' parties had gained enough influence to get one of their leaders, Rudolf Minger, elected to the Federal Council.

In 1936, a representative party was founded on the national level, called the Party of Farmers, Traders and Independents (BGB). During the 1930s, the BGB entered the mainstream of Swiss politics as a right-wing conservative party in the bourgeois bloc. While the party opposed any kind of socialist ideas such as internationalism and anti-militarism, it sought to represent local Swiss traders and farmers against big business and international capital.

The BGB contributed strongly to the establishment of the Swiss national ideology known as the Geistige Landesverteidigung (Spiritual Defence of the Nation), which was largely responsible for the growing Swiss sociocultural and political cohesion from the 1930s. In the party's fight against left-wing ideologies, sections of party officials and farmers voiced understanding, or failed to distance themselves from the emerging fascist movements. After World War II, the BGB contributed to the establishment of the characteristic Swiss post-war consensual politics, social agreements and economic growth policies. The party continued to be a reliable political partner with the Swiss Conservative People's Party and the Free Democratic Party.

In 1971, the BGB changed its name to the Swiss People's Party (SVP) after it merged with the Democratic Party from Glarus and Graubünden. The Democratic Party had been supported particularly by workers, and the SVP sought to expand its electoral base towards these, as the traditional BGB base in the rural population had started to lose its importance in the post-war era. As the Democratic Party had represented centrist, social-liberal positions, the course of the SVP shifted towards the political centre following internal debates The new party however continued to see its level of support at around 11%, the same as the former BGB throughout the post-war era. Internal debates continued, and the 1980s saw growing conflicts between the Bern and Zürich cantonal branches, where the former branch represented the centrist faction, and the latter looked to put new issues on the political agenda.

When the young entrepreneur Christoph Blocher was elected president of the Zürich SVP in 1977, he declared his intent to oversee significant change in the political line of the Zürich SVP, bringing an end to debates that aimed to open the party up to a wide array of opinions. Blocher soon consolidated his power in Zürich, and began to renew the organisational structures, activities, campaigning style and political agenda of the local branch. The young members of the party was boosted with the establishment of a cantonal Young SVP (JSVP) in 1977, as well as political training courses. The ideology of the Zürich branch was also reinforced, and the rhetoric hardened, which resulted in the best election result for the Zürich branch in fifty years in the 1979 federal election, with an increase from 11.3% to 14.5%. This was contrasted with the stable level in the other cantons, although the support also stagnated in Zürich through the 1980s.

In 1971, the BGB changed its name to the Swiss People's Party (SVP) after it merged with the Democratic Party from Glarus and Graubünden. The Democratic Party had been supported particularly by workers, and the SVP sought to expand its electoral base towards these, as the traditional BGB base in the rural population had started to lose its importance in the post-war era. As the Democratic Party had represented centrist, social-liberal positions, the course of the SVP shifted towards the political centre following internal debates. The new party however continued to see its level of support at around 11%, the same as the former BGB throughout the post-war era. Internal debates continued, and the 1980s saw growing conflicts between the Bern and Zürich cantonal branches, where the former branch represented the centrist faction, and the latter looked to put new issues on the political agenda.

When the young entrepreneur Christoph Blocher was elected president of the Zürich SVP in 1977, he declared his intent to oversee significant change in the political line of the Zürich SVP, bringing an end to debates that aimed to open the party up to a wide array of opinions. Blocher soon consolidated his power in Zürich, and began to renew the organisational structures, activities, campaigning style and political agenda of the local branch. The young members of the party was boosted with the establishment of a cantonal Young SVP (JSVP) in 1977, as well as political training courses. The ideology of the Zürich branch was also reinforced, and the rhetoric hardened, which resulted in the best election result for the Zürich branch in fifty years in the 1979 federal election, with an increase from 11.3% to 14.5%. This was contrasted with the stable level in the other cantons, although the support also stagnated in Zürich through the 1980s.

Rise of the new SVP (1990s–present)
The struggle between the SVP's largest branches of Bern and Zürich continued into the early 1990s. While the Bern-oriented faction represented the old moderate style, the Zürich-oriented wing led by Christoph Blocher represented a new radical right-wing populist agenda. The Zürich wing began to politicise asylum issues, and the question of European integration started to dominate Swiss political debates. They also adopted more confrontational methods. The Zürich-wing followingly started to gain ground in the party at the expense of the Bern-wing, and the party became increasingly centralised as a national party, in contrast to the traditional Swiss system of parties with loose organisational structures and weak central powers. During the 1990s, the party also doubled its number of cantonal branches (to eventually be represented in all cantons), which strengthened the power of the Zürich-wing since most new sections supported their agenda.

In 1991, the party for the first time became the strongest party in Zürich, with 20.2% of the vote. The party broke through in the early 1990s in both Zürich and Switzerland as a whole, and experienced dramatically increasing results in elections. From being the smallest of the four governing parties at the start of the 1990s, the party by the end of the decade emerged as the strongest party in Switzerland. At the same time, the party expanded its electoral base towards new voter demographics. The SVP in general won its best results in cantons where the cantonal branches adopted the agenda of the Zürich wing. In the 1999 federal election, the SVP for the first time became the strongest party in Switzerland with 22.5% of the vote, a 12.6% share increase. This was the biggest increase of votes for any party in the entire history of the Swiss proportional electoral system, which was introduced in 1919.

As a result of the remarkable increase in the SVP's popularity, the party gained a second ministerial position in the Federal Council in 2003, which was taken by Christoph Blocher. Before this, the only SVP Federal Councillor had always been from the moderate Bern wing. The 2007 federal election still confirmed the SVP as the strongest party in Switzerland with 28.9% of the vote and 62 seats in the National Council, the largest share of the vote for any single party ever in Switzerland. However, the Federal Council refused to re-elect Blocher, who was replaced by Eveline Widmer-Schlumpf of the moderate Graubünden branch. In response, the national SVP withdrew its support from Widmer-Schlumpf and its other Federal Councillor, fellow SVP moderate Samuel Schmid, from the party, along with Widmer-Schlumpf's whole cantonal section. The SVP thus formed the first opposition group in Switzerland since the 1950s.

In 2008, the SVP demanded that Widmer-Schlumpf resign from the Federal Council and leave the party. When she refused, the SVP demanded that its Grisons branch expel her. Since Swiss parties are legally federations of cantonal parties, the federal SVP could not expel her itself. The Grisons branch stood by Widmer-Schlumpf, leading the SVP to expel it from the party. Shortly afterward, the Grisons branch reorganised itself as the Conservative Democratic Party (BDP). Soon afterward, virtually all of the SVP's Bern branch, including Schmid, defected to the new party. The SVP regained its position in government in late 2008, when Schmid was forced to resign due to a political scandal, and was replaced with Ueli Maurer.

The 2011 federal election put an end to the continuous progression of the SVP since 1987. The party drew 26.6% percent of the vote, a 2.3-point decrease from the previous elections in 2007. This loss could be partly attributed to the split of the BDP, which gained 5.4% of the vote in 2011. However the SVP rebounded strongly in the 2015 federal election, gathering a record 29.4% of the national vote and 65 seats in parliament. Media attributed the rise to concerns over the European migrant crisis. The SVP gained a second member in the Federal Council again, with Guy Parmelin replacing Eveline Widmer-Schlumpf after the party's election gains.

Ideology
The SVP adheres to national conservatism, aiming at the preservation of Switzerland's political sovereignty and a conservative society. Furthermore, the party promotes the principle of individual responsibility and is skeptical toward any expansion of governmental services. This stance is most evident in the rejection of an accession of Switzerland to the European Union, the rejection of military involvement abroad, and the rejection of increases in government spending on social welfare and education.

The emphasis of the party's policies lie in foreign policy, immigration and homeland security policy as well as tax and social welfare policy. Among political opponents, the SVP has gained a reputation as a party that maintains a hard-line stance.

Overview
The Alternative for Germany (German: Alternative für Deutschland, AfD) is a right-wing populist and Eurosceptic political party in Germany.

Founded in April 2013, the party won 4.7% of the votes in the 2013 federal election, narrowly missing the 5% electoral threshold to sit in the Bundestag. In 2014 the party won 7.1% of the votes and 7 out of 96 German seats in the European election, and subsequently joined the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group until its exclusion in April 2016. As of September 2016 the AfD had gained representation in ten of the 16 German state parliaments. The party is currently led by Frauke Petry and Jörg Meuthen.

At the outset AfD presented itself as conservative and middle-class, catering to a well-educated demographic as more than two-thirds of its initial supporters held doctorates, giving it the nickname the "professors' party". The party was described as professors and academics who dislike the compromises inflicted on their purist theories by German party politics. 86% of the party's initial supporters were male.

Because the 2013 federal election was the first fought by the party, the AfD had not received any federal funds in the run-up to it, but after receiving 2 million votes it crossed the threshold for party funding and was expected to receive an estimated 1.3 to 1.5 million Euro per year of state subsidies.

The AfD held a party conference on 25 January 2014 at F.a.n. Frankenstolz Arena, Aschaffenburg, northwest Bavaria. The conference chose the slogan Mut zu Deutschland ("Courage [to stand up] for Germany") to replace the former slogan Mut zur Wahrheit (lit. "Courage [to speak] the truth" or, more succinctly, "Telling it as it is"), which prompted disagreement among the federal board that the party could be seen as too anti-European. Eventually a compromise was reached by using the slogan "MUT ZU D*EU*TSCHLAND, with the "EU" in "DEUTSCHLAND" encircled by the 12 stars of the EU's Flag of Europe.

UKIP and the AfD were at first classified as a populist and pro-democracy conservative movement, but the recent swing to the right by UKIP had lead to there reclassification as far-right poularists as of about 2013-2014. The AfD faced a similar reclasification a year later.

By May 2015, the party became polarised into two factions, one centred around Lucke and his core economic policies and another group led by Petry, which favoured an anti-immigration approach. The result was a split of Lucke's fraction leaving to found a new party: the Alliance for Progress and Renewal.

Ideology and policies
The AfD was founded as a politicaly centre--right conservative party of the middle class with a basis on 'soft' Euroscepticism, being generally supportive of Germany's membership of the European Union but critical of further European integration, the existence of the Euro currency, and the bailouts by the eurozone for countries such as Greece. The party also advocated support for Swiss-style direct democracy, dissolution of the Eurozone, opposition to immigration, and opposed gay marriage.

Political extremes
Alternative for Germany party organisers have been sending out the message that they are not trying to attract right-wing radicals. The AfD check applicants for membership to exclude far-right and former National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) members who support the anti-Euro policy (as other mainstream German political parties do). The party toned down rhetoric on their Facebook page following media allegations that it too closely evoked the language of the far-right. Former party chairman Bernd Lucke initially defended the choice of words, citing freedom of opinion, and a right to use "strong words", meanwhile he has also said that "The applause is coming from the wrong side" in regards to praise his party gained from the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD). Outside the Berlin hotel where the party held its inaugural meeting, it has been alleged that copies of Junge Freiheit, a weekly that is also popular with the far-right were being handed out. The Rheinische Post pointed out that some AfD members and supporters write for the conservative paper Junge Freiheit. There was also a protest outside the venue of the party’s inaugural meeting by Andreas Storr, an NPD representative in the Landtag of Saxony, as the NPD sees the AfD as a rival for eurosceptic votes.

An investigation conducted by the internet social analytic company Linkfluence showed little to no similarities in Facebook likes of AfD followers and those of the NPD supporter base.

Family and equal opportunities
According to its interim electoral manifesto, the party wants to reintroduce the traditional family patterns.

Environment
The party denies anthropogenic factors in the role of global warming. Therefore the party criticizes the energy transformation policies (Energiewende) in Germany; for instance, the party wants to stop "uncontrolled expansion of wind energy".

Conscription
AfD wants a reinstatement of conscription, starting for men at the age of 18.

The 20th Century British psudo-ethno-political perceptions
A synoptic chart of the psudo-scientific 20th Century Anglo-Welsh ethno-political perceptions. This chart is not meant to be taken as scientific fact since it is a table of once popular opinions on race and thus will contain errors and is not a guide to social Darwinism either. It is also not meant to be a personal and\or scientific commentary on the people in the images either.

Social Dawinisum and race-profiling is at best dubious if not just out right mistaken. It is also a vehicle for discriminators, bullies and the far right.

Also see

 * 1) A political diorama
 * 2) Eurosceptics
 * 3) European Union
 * 4) The "La Técnica" torture center
 * 5) South America
 * 6) Cold War
 * 7) Operation Condor
 * 8) Terrorist organisations
 * 9) The 1973 Chilean coup d'état