1945-1991: Cold War world Wiki
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Both Green politics and religious socialism are not mutually exclusive with other left points of view.


Due to the fact that this Tory sub-sect is both new and unusual, it will take some time to fully assess its impact on society, so there is to be little more than the brief Wikipedia page as a source, most of which has been cut and pasted here prior to augmentation with a few witness observations.


The Big Society was a political ideology developed in the early 21st century. The idea proposes "integrating the free market with a theory of social solidarity based on hierarchy and voluntarism". Conceptually it "draws on a mix of conservative communitarianism and libertarian paternalism". Its roots "can be traced back to the 1990s, and to early attempts to develop a non-Thatcherite, or post-Thatcherite, brand of UK conservatism" such as David Willetts' Civic Conservatism and the revival of Red Toryism. Some commentators have seen the Big Society as invoking Edmund Burke's idea of civil society, putting it into the sphere of one-nation conservatism. David Willetts is known in the party as "Two Brains" since he is said to be so clever by his peers. He also has also been slammed for blatantly lying to a parliamentary select committee in the 1990's and was disciplined by the parliamentary ombudsman over his unwanted intervention in to a parliamentary enquiry in 1996.

The term "Big Society' was originated by Steve Hilton, director of strategy for the Conservative Party, and the idea is particularly associated with the party's leader David Cameron who was a strong advocate for it. The idea became the flagship policy of the 2010 UK Conservative Party general election manifesto and formed part of the subsequent legislative programme of the Conservative – Liberal Democrat Coalition Agreement. The stated aim was to create a climate that empowered local people and communities, building a "big society" that would take power away from politicians and give it to people.

In UK politics the Big Society concept applies to domestic policy in England only. The relevant policy areas are devolved in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, and are therefore the responsibilities of respectively the Northern Ireland Executive, the Scottish Government and the Welsh Government in those countries.


Following the election of a Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition government at the 2010 general election, the new Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron launched the initiative in July with a speech at Liverpool Hope University accompanied by screenwriter and television producer Phil Redmond.

  • The stated priorities were:
  1. Give communities more powers (localism and devolution)
  2. Encourage people to take an active role in their communities (volunteerism)
  3. Transfer power from central to local government
  4. Support co-ops, mutuals, charities and social enterprises
  5. Publish government data (open/transparent government)
  6. The plans included setting up a Big Society Bank and a Big Society Network to fund projects, and introducing a National Citizen Service. The Lord Wei, one of the founders of the Teach First charity, was appointed by David Cameron to advise the government on the Big Society programme. He carried out the role until May 2011 when Shaun Bailey and Charlotte Leslie were moved into the Cabinet Office to work on the project.
  • Four initial 'vanguard areas' were selected:
  1. Liverpool (withdrew from pilot in February 2011)
  2. Eden, Cumbria
  3. Sutton, Greater London
  4. Windsor and Maidenhead, Berkshire.


The Big Society Network was set up in 2010 in order "to generate, develop and showcase new ideas to help people to come together in their neighbourhoods to do good things." It was owned by a charity called The Society Network Foundation. During its first four years of existence the Big Society Network was funded with approximately £2 million of National Lottery funding and public-sector grants. In July 2014, a National Audit Office report criticised the way that money was allocated to and used by the network and The Independent newspaper claimed that and the Charity Commission had begun an investigation into alleged misuse of funds by the network. In 2014 the Big Society Network was put into administration owing money to the government and an application was made to the Charity Commission to have the organisation wound up.

Big Society Capital, the Big Society Bank, was launched in 2011. Major UK banks agreed to provide £200 million in funding for the organisation in addition to money made available from dormant bank accounts under the Dormant Bank and Building Society Accounts Act 2008. The UK government's intention was to unlock £78bn in charitable assets for big society. To create a demand for the funds, it was announced that up to 25% of public service contracts were to be transferred to private and voluntary sector.

The Big Society Awards were set up in November 2010 to recognize community work done in the UK that demonstrates the Big Society. Over fifty awards had been presented by the start of 2015. The National Citizen Service is a voluntary personal and social development programme for 16- and 17-year-olds in England. It was piloted in 2011 and by 2013 there were 30,000 young people taking part.

The Localism Act 2011 contained a section on community empowerment. New rights were created for charitable trusts, voluntary bodies and others to apply to councils to carry out services provided by the council. In addition, lists of Assets of Community Value were compiled. These were assets such as shops, pubs and playing fields, which were privately owned, but which were of value to the community. If such an asset was later sold, the Act made it easier for the community to bid for and take over the asset.

Free schools (otherwise known as charter schools) were introduced by the Academies Act 2010 making it possible for parents, teachers, charities and businesses to set up and run their own schools. Between 2010 and 2015 more than 400 free schools were approved for opening in England, representing more than 230,000 school places across the country.


While some responded to the policy favourably and David Cameron continued to defend it, its aims were queried and disputed by other commentators from all sides of the political spectrum.

Initial press reaction[]

In March 2010, The Daily Telegraph wrote: "We demand vision from our would-be leaders, and here is one who offers a big one, of a society rebuilt from the ground up". In April 2010 The Times described the Big Society as "an impressive attempt to reframe the role of government and unleash entrepreneurial spirit". Later in the same year, The Spectator said that "Cameron hoped to lessen financial shortfalls by raiding dormant bank accounts. It's a brilliant idea in theory".

Questions concerning originality[]

Two days after the initiative's launch in Liverpool, an article in Liverpool Daily Post argued that community organisations in the city such as Bradbury Fields show that Cameron's ideas are already in action and are nothing new, and that groups of community-based volunteers have for many years provided "a better service than would be achieved through the public sector".

Simon Parker, Director of the New Local Government Network, argued that although "there is little in the coalition government's agenda that is entirely novel, what is new is the scale of change required." Ben Rogers, in an opinion piece published in the Financial Times, suggested that "the most interesting thing about [Cameron's] speech [to the Conservative Party Conference] were its sections on the "Big Society"", and that "Most of the political problems Mr Cameron faces, from cutting crime to reducing obesity, can only be met if residents and citizens play their part". However, Rogers went on to state that "the state has so far invested very little in teaching the skills that could help people make a contribution", highlighting what he perceived to be a fundamental flaw in the programme.

David Cameron responded that the policy's lack of novelty does not detract from its usefulness and that it should be judged on its results.

'Small state' criticism[]

The implementation of the policy coincided with large-scale cuts in public expenditure programs which were implemented to address macroeconomic concerns. In 2010 David Cameron indicated that such cuts were temporary and to be enacted purely from economic necessity. However, in 2013 said that he had no intention of resuming spending once the structural deficit had been eliminated, since his aim was to create a "leaner, more efficient state". This led critics to conclude that the Big Society is intended primarily as a mechanism for reducing the size of the state. Labour's leader Ed Miliband said that the Conservatives were "cynically attempting to dignify its cuts agenda, by dressing up the withdrawal of support with the language of reinvigorating civic society" and suggested that the Big Society is a "cloak for the small state".

Of the political weeklies, the New Statesman said "Cameron's hope that the Big Society will replace Big Government is reminiscent of the old Marxist belief that the state will 'wither away' as a result of victorious socialism. We all know how that turned out. Cameron has a long way to go to convince us that his vision is any less utopian". Also referring to Marx, the award-winning political cartoonist Steve Bell in the Guardian on 21 January 2011 and the Guardian Weekly newspaper on 28 January 2011 adapted Marx's slogan "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need" for the Big Society: "From each according to their vulnerability, to each according to their greed". 

Dr. Lorie Charlesworth, an academic from the Institute of Advanced Legal Studies, compared the system to the Old Poor Law, and suggested that "any voluntary system for the relief of poverty is purely mythical".

Anna Coote, head of Social Policy at the independent think-tank NEF, wrote in July 2010 that "If the state is pruned so drastically ... the effect will be a more troubled and diminished society, not a bigger one". In November 2010 a report by NEF suggested that "There are strong, sensible ideas at the heart of the 'Big Society' vision... [but] for all its potential, the 'Big Society' raises a lot of questions, which become more urgent and worrying in the light of public spending cuts".

TUC general secretary Brendan Barber concluded that "the logic of this is that [Cameron's] ideal society is Somalia where the state barely exists". 

David Cameron's response was that the Big Society ideology pre-dated the implementation of cuts to public services, that the reduction in the size of the state had become inevitable, and that Big Society projects are worthwhile whatever the state of the economy. 

Concerns over implementation[]

The Daily Telegraph's Ed West predicted in 2010 that "The Big Society can never take off", placing the blame on the socialist ideology held by some of the British public.  Also writing for The Daily Telegraph, Mary Riddell said "the sink or swim society is upon us, and woe betide the poor, the frail, the old, the sick and the dependent" whilst Gerald Warner felt that "of all the Blairesque chimeras pursued by David Cameron, none has more the resonance of a political epitaph than "Big Society"". Sir Stephen Bubb, Chief Executive of ACEVO, welcomed the idea of the Big Society but claimed that David Cameron was "undermining" it. His concerns were about cuts in government money going to charities coming "too far and too fast". He later said the project had become a "wreck" Steven Kettell of the University of Warwick has written of the intrinsic "problems surrounding the government's call to put religious groups at the centre of the Big Society agenda". 

In April 2012 criticisms were raised concerning the shortage of Big Society policies across Government, such as the lack of employee-owned mutuals and social enterprises in public sector reforms as well as the introduction of a cap on tax relief for charitable giving in the 2012 Budget. A report published in May 2012 suggested that the £3.3 billion cuts in government funding to the voluntary sector between 2012 and 2015 had greatly reduced the capacity of voluntary groups to implement Big Society projects. Bernard Collier expressed concern that the policy's lack of localism was "favouring big charities" and ignoring the "potential contribution of local voluntary and community organisations". 

In 2014 former Cameron aide Danny Kruger claimed that although the relevant legislation had been put in place, the policy had been downgraded from its original role due to a lack of leadership. At the same time a Centre for Social Justice report suggested that the policy was having least effect in the poorest in the country where it would be most useful. 

David Cameron responded that the public sector had already failed to prevent the poorest parts of the country becoming so, and that there were examples of the Big Society having been effective in poor areas. 

Coproduction (public services, not moovies)[]

Co-production is a practice in the delivery of public services in which citizens are involved in the creation of public policies and services. It is contrasted with a transaction based method of service delivery in which citizens consume public services which are conceived of and provided by governments. Co-production is possible in the private and non-profit sectors in addition to the public sector.In contrast with traditional citizen involvement, citizens are not only consulted, but are part of the conception, design, steering, and management of services. An animated video called "The Parable of the Blobs and Squares" was made to show why co-production matters.

Some Definitions[]

  1. "Co-production means delivering public services in an equal and reciprocal relationship between professionals, people using services, their families and their neighbours" (New Economics Foundation)
  2. "The public sector and citizens making better use of each other's assets and resources to achieve better outcomes and improved efficiency" (Governance International).
  3. "A relationship where professionals and citizens share power to plan and deliver support together, recognising that both have vital contributions to make in order to improve quality of life for people and communities." (National Co-production Critical Friends)
  4. "Co-production is not just a word, it’s not just a concept, it is a meeting of minds coming together to find a shared solution. In practice, it involves people who use services being consulted, included and working together from the start to the end of any project that affects them." (Think Local Act Personal (2011) Making it real: Marking progress towards personalised, community based support, London: TLAP)
  5. "A way of working whereby citizens and decision makers, or people who use services, family carers and service providers work together to create a decision or service which works for them all. The approach is value driven and built on the principle that those who use a service are best placed to help design it."

Emergence of co-production[]

Experiments on co-production on public services have been launched in many countries, from Denmark to Malaysia, the UK and the US.

The term ‘co-production’ was originally coined in the late 1970s by Elinor Ostrom and colleagues at Indiana University to explain why neighbourhood crime rates went up in Chicago when the city’s police officers retreated from the beat into cars. Similarly to Jane Jacobs’ assessment of the importance of long-time residents to the safety and vitality of New Yorks old neighbourhoods, Ostrom noted that by becoming detached from people and their everyday lives on the streets, Chicago’s police force lost an essential source of insider information, making it harder for them to do their work as effectively.

What Ostrom and her colleagues were recognising was that services – in this case policing – rely as much upon the unacknowledged knowledge, assets and efforts of service ‘users’ as the expertise of professional providers. It was the informal understanding of local communities and the on the ground relationships they had developed with police officers that had helped keep crime levels down. In short, the police needed the community as much as the community needed the police. The concept of the ‘core economy’, first articulated by Neva Goodwin and subsequently developed by Edgar S. Cahn, is helpful in explaining this further.

The core economy is made up of all the resources embedded in people’s everyday lives – time, energy, wisdom, experience, knowledge and skills – and the relationships between them – love, empathy, watchfulness, care, reciprocity, teaching and learning. Similar to the role played by the operating system of a computer, the core economy is the basic, yet essential, platform upon which ‘specialist programmes’ in society, the market economy and public services run. Our specialised services dealing with crime, education, care, health and so on are all underpinned by the family, the neighbourhood, community and civil society.

This understanding has helped to radically reframe the potential role of ‘users’ and ‘professionals’ in the process of producing services. Far from being passive consumers, or needy drains on public finances, people, their family, friends and communities are understood as important agents with the capacity to design and even deliver services with improved outcomes.

Professionals, for their part, need to find ways of engaging meaningfully with the core economy; helping it to grow, flourish and realise its full potential – not atrophy as a result of neglect or exploitation. Significantly, as the New Economics Foundation (NEF) note:

“This is not about consultation or participation – except in the broadest sense. The point is not to consult more, or involve people more in decisions; it is to encourage them to use the human skills and experience they have to help deliver public or voluntary services. It is, according to Elizabeth Hoodless at Community Service Volunteers, about “broadening and deepening” public services so that they are no longer the preserve of professionals or commissioners, but a shared responsibility, both building and using a multi-faceted network of mutual support”.

In Canada, a team of professionals has created a prototype based on this approach: Co-Create Canada, which aims to increase citizens’ trust in government by connecting citizens who want to be engaged in the development of policies and programs with government change agents. This would enable the co-creation of new solutions aimed at improving policies and programs and leverage dispersed resources both inside and outside of government to solve problems faster. The model would employ several strategies (Ref. Adamira Tijerino):

  1. Connecting citizens who want to get engaged in a particular area of interest with public servants who are specialists and involved in the area of interest.
  2. Humanizing public servants by allowing them to go beyond their job description and empowering them by recognizing their individual skill sets (via the use of open badges).
  3. Develop a wide range of tools (e.g., Connect.gc.ca website, mobile app and engagement mechanisms) to serve as the platform for these connections, leveraging current government IT infrastructure.
  4. Propose an evaluation component to measure success.

What has emerged from this thinking is a new agenda; a challenge to the way professionals are expected to work, and to policy-makers who are setting targets as indicators of success; a way of helping to explain why things currently don’t work as well as they could; a call for an alternative way of doing things.

Challenges for co-production[]

Co-production, as a method, approach and mind-set, is very different from traditional models of service provision. As has been shown, it fundamentally alters the relationship between service providers and users; it emphasises people as active agents, not passive beneficiaries; and, in large part because of this alternative process, it tends to lead towards better, more preventative outcomes in the long-term.

Because of its radically different nature, however, people wishing to practice co-production face a number of significant challenges. As NEF/NESTA comments;

"Overall, the challenge seems to amount to one clear problem. Co-production, even in the most successful and dramatic examples, barely fits the standard shape of public services or charities or the systems we have developed to ‘deliver’ support, even though [in the UK] policy documents express ambitions to empower and engage local communities, to devolve power and increase individuals’ choice and control."  

This misfit makes practising co-production difficult, and mainstreaming good practice particularly so. Existing structures and frameworks work against, not with, co-production. In order for it to flourish as a viable alternative to the expensive and in many cases failing, status quo change needs to take place.

  • NEF/NESTA highlight four areas where such change will be required;
  1. Funding and Commissioning: Commissioners of public money will need to change their established ways of doing things. Applying strict quantitative targets and stipulating rigid, short-term outputs with a mind to economic efficiency acts as a barrier to co-produced service models. In order to ‘commission for change’ narrow outputs need to be broadened and complemented by outcomes based commissioning.
  2. Generating evidence and making the case for co-production: The obvious reason why many commissioning frameworks favour outputs over outcomes is that they are simply measured, making it deceptively easy to evaluate success or failure. But real success is not easily measurable. Nor are many of the preventative benefits of co-production easy to quantify. Making the case for co-production and capturing its complex and myriad benefits is a key challenge.
  3. Taking successful approaches to scale: It is fair to say that the majority of examples where co-production is being successfully practiced take place at a local scale. To a great extent this has been instrumental to their success; they are rooted in local realities, have grown organically from the ground based on local assets and ideas and emphasise the importance of face-to-face relationships. There is a potential tension to be overcome here; ensuring that a service remains locally rooted, whilst simultaneously expanding the scope of coverage nationally. Where this has been achieved (see KeyRing, Shared Lives and LAC in Australia) the tendency towards replication and blueprinting has been strongly resisted. Instead of simplistically transplanting a ‘model’ in new regions, these organisations have taken forward a common ‘method’ that involves engaging with local assets and resources in a consistent way.
  4. Co-production also suits smaller organisations (traditionally those in the third sector) that are more used to working in less structured and hierarchical ways. This is something that large public sector structures are much less used to doing. If co-production is to be a mainstream way of working across public sector services, a structural and cultural shift will also need to take place.

Developing required professional skills: Years of working to narrowly defined roles and job descriptions has understandably led to many public service professionals seeing their ‘clients’ through circumscribed lenses; as patients that need to be cared for, rather than people who could be enabled. It can also be difficult for any professional to relinquish control and ‘hand over the stick’; not only does this challenge occupational identities but it also confers a greater sense of risk – co-production can be ‘messy’ and is inimical to rigid control. If the hearts and minds of those delivering services on the ground cannot be changed, and if the necessary skills associated with relinquishing control are not embedded, co-production is likely to be constrained.

A Service User's Perspective "The language and movement for co-production is one expression of this. But it is a slow process and sadly whatever the politics of governments; whether they favour state or market, too often for all the rhetoric, other people still make key decisions about us and our lives, whether we are talking about the NHS, welfare reform or the education system. And we know that this is inefficient and wasteful. Instead, listen to people on the receiving end. Make sure discussions and decision-making processes are as accessible and inclusive as possible so their diverse views and voices can be heard. Most of all, subject schemes for co-production to a ruthless test. Service users and their organisations must always be in the room, on the committee, in the decision-making body. Then we’re really likely to get somewhere – doing it together." - Peter Beresford OBE

Criticisms and responses[]

  1. It makes additional demands of people who rely on services and who are by definition already ‘in need’. However, a response to this is that the active engagement of people who have previously been seen as passive recipients is largely positive, enabling them to make services work for them, growing their own confidence and capacity. Nevertheless, in co-production approaches it is important to consider equality around the burden placed on people’s time.
  2. It is a cover for the withdrawal of services and minimises the accountability of the state; blurring the lines of responsibility for the quality of service. If co-production is done for the wrong reasons this can be the case. It is a question of means and ends. The key here is to emphasise that ‘co’ requires input both from people who deliver services and people who have been seen as ‘recipients’ of them. They are likely to play different roles and power will be distributed differently in co-produced services but contribution from both is essential, otherwise services become ‘self-organised’ which is a different thing entirely.
  3. Co-produced services will lead to a postcode lottery for service users: It is true that services will look different in different areas but that is to be expected as the assets, resources and needs identified by communities in different areas will also look different. There is still the need for a central role to be played to ensure consistency in approach and to be clear that everyone is enabled to play a role in co-production but the assumption that identikit services produce the best outcomes for people is questioned by co-production.
  4. Its just ‘participation’ by a new name: Co-production is different from ‘voice’ based interventions as it recognises that it is critical for people to play a role in the activity of delivering services, not simply to contribute ideas to shaping new services that rely on professionals to deliver them.

The decline of the 'Big Society'[]

During the course of the 2010–15 government the Big Society declined as an instrument of government policy. David Cameron did not use the term in public after 2013 and the phrase ceased to be used in government statements.The collapse of the Big Society Network in 2014 and criticism of the Prime Minister's relationship with it  were followed by a critical final Big Society Audit published by Civil Exchange in January 2015. The audit highlighted cuts in charity grants and restrictions on the right to challenge government policy through the courts as undermining Big Society ideals. It noted that charities have had a decreasing role as government contractors due to policies which favoured the private sector. And it pointed out that the centralisation of the British political system has not significantly decreased, with no noticeable upsurge in volunteering and social action concentrated in the wealthiest places.

The Cabinet Office responded that the Civil Exchange report did not fairly reflect "the significant progress made". In response to a parliamentary question claiming that the Big Society had failed, the Government said that "cynics" were "entirely wrong" and that "some of the changes we have introduced are irreversible". Shortly before the 2015 election, David Cameron proposed a law that would give some employees the right to three days of paid annual leave to do voluntary work.The proposal appeared in the Party's manifesto, along with a guarantee of a place on the National Citizen Service for all children and an increase the use of social impact bonds. However, the Big Society did not form a significant part of the Conservative Party's election strategy, being replaced instead by an emphasis on economic stability and border controls. 

Indeed, data suggest that the Big Society idea did not convince the general public from the start. Only between 11% and 9% of respondents to a YouGov survey declared that the ‘Big Society will probably work’, while an overwhelming majority, between 68% and 73% of respondents, during the same time span, argued the opposite. In addition, a 2010 Ipsos-Mori poll found that 57% of respondents agreed that the Big Society was ‘just an excuse’ to save money by cutting public services. Beyond public opinion polls, other indicators also suggest the deterioration of the Big Society idea within British society. Despite government willingness to encourage volunteering, the percentage of the UK population actively engaged in voluntary associations declined consistently since the start of the economic crisis.

The Tory spending cuts got heavyer each year both during and after the Big Society era.

Known social impact and faults[]

More broadly speaking David Cameron's "Big Society", is also a politically heretical sub-sect Conservative doctrine that has fallen in to corporate domination and thus allowed the nation to become overly private business orientated.

  • Changing the inflation calculation from RPI to CPI has given the impression of success, when in reality there has been little change.
  • Low wages, benefit cuts and minimal interest rates have choked off spending, thus killing the retail lead economy. Most new money is ether taken from bank accounts, pawn shops, loan shops or loan-sharks.
  • So many have been kicked off the DHSS benefit list, or reluctantly chosen to early retired if they are old enough, that it gives a over overoptimistic picture of unemployment. It was reckoned that, in 2016,  about 250,000 don't qualify for Job Seeker's allowance and about 500,000 have early retired against there will.
  • The country is dyeing as overseas aid funds pour in to hopeless and/or corrupt dictatorships, especially Black African ones, like Somalia and S. Sudan.
  • The mass seasiture of council and borough tax revenue and assets to fund central government.
  • Immigration from Eastern Europe and Sub-Saharan Africa went up heavily, while immigration from the rest of the world collapsed.
  • Mass shop closures and corporate bankruptcies between 2010 and 2012.
  • Libraries, subsidised bus routs, road maintenance, care homes and youth centers are closing because some local councils can't and most won't pay for them.
  • Local government has become a tool enforcing government policy and are tacking the blame if it's bad policy.
  • 'Free Schools' are often accused of being faliuers and/or schooling on the cheep.
  • Stupendously and unaffordably high house prices, except in some rough and jobless zones like E. Dunbartonshire (joblessness).
  • A torrent of procrastination racist bile, xenophobia, party infighting and squabbling with the courts over Europe, defense, foreign, education and energy policy.
  • Oxfordshire County Council (OCC) than £3m of public funding to 118 bus routes after order to cut its transport budget by £6.3m. Other bus routes in some of the most rural areas were threatened as the Thames Valley's county councils tried to save £50m over the next 5 years due to central government's demands for cash. Adult social care and children's centers were also targeted and council tax rose heavy.
  • The villagers’ of Middle Barton launched community bus service (The OurBus Bartons bus service) after OCC scrapped the subsadised Stagecoach bus in 2016.
  • The centralisation of power with the cabinet, especially the PM, at both Whitehall's at local government's exspence.
  • The mass waste of money on inefficacy, endless steams of procrastinating spin and possible corruption.
  • Plans for new elcetorial border changes that gerrymander the result for the Conservatives (AKA- Tories) against Labour.
  • Charities and a few good-heated firms doing a lot of what government and councils used to do, mostly for minimal gain or thanks, especially at a local level.
  • Abandonment of projects like the Beckton-to-Thamesmead Thames Gateway Bridge, which had is significant public support, and nearly also the publicly unwanted Hinkley Point C nuclear power station, because they can not be done for indefeasibly low price and/or payed for by someone else.
  • The creation of National Citizen Service to show 16 and 17 year olds their is better in life than being ferrel and make up for poor schooling caused by the constant political interference with how schools are run.

See also[]

  1. Monetarism
  2. Politics
  3. Blairisum and Blairites
  4. Libertarian Party (United States)
  5. Witney (UK Parliament constituency)
  6. Islington North (UK Parliament constituency)


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